“Escape Velocity” and the First Educational Sojourn: Reorganization, Recognition and Final Outcome of CMC

On the eve of 190^th year of celebration of our alma mater Calcutta Medical College (CMC) or Medical College, Bengal or so on we can do brief stock taking of its genesis, growth, development and role in the history of medicine in Bengal as well as India. Moreover, arguably, when we are already passing through the era of ‘precision medicine’ it is imperative to have an understanding of how CMC passed through the various developmental phase of medicine.[1] This precision medicine will become possible because of huge data sets on large populations, with millions of characterizations of each person. Study populations will grow to millions, which will allow observational studies with novel statistical methods that will allow discovery of useful, reproducible patterns and relationships from these data. This will be possible because virtually all the data will be in an advanced infrastructure of electronic health records (EHRs) that includes input from physiological monitoring, which is already starting to become part of the management of chronic diseases and of guidelines for prevention and fitness.[2]

As we know, CMC was the first Indian (also the first Asian) medical college imparting modern medical teaching in line with advanced European training, occasionally with a refraction and mutation in the method of teaching suited to the local needs. A local-global divide was apparent since its beginning.

Now we may the questions may be arranged as follows:

1. Was the College a ‘gift’ of British imperialism or colonial administration to Indian people?
2. Was it an outcome of the ongoing economic, political, social, psychological and administrative changes in England itself?
3. What was the exact purpose(s) of establishing the College?
4. Was it that after certain period, when the College was solidly moored on its ground, the College itself gained an ‘escape velocity’ to reach at its height without further colonial intervention? Such an ‘escape velocity’ was needed for the first educational sojourn (in Indian context) to England for higher medical studies.
5. When the College was established medicine was in the era of ‘hospital medicine’ which can be briefly summarised as autopsy, bedside teaching and statistics gathered from the morbid anatomy of deceased patients.[3] Regular performance of anatomical dissection – later on to identify organ localization of disease – traversed its long and robust advancements from Andrea Vesalius (16^th century) to William Hunter (the famous promulgator of “necessary inhumanity”) to Paolo Morgagni to Xavier Bichat (the famous maxim for his student “dissect in anatomy, experiment in physiology, follow the disease and make the necropsy in medicine; this is the three-fold path, without which there can be no anatomist, no physiologist, no ”). Such a trajectory took about 3 centuries to attain its full shape in Europe in the aftermath of the French Revolution and, primarily, at the Paris Hospital.[4] But in India it was made to happen only passing through a ‘gestation phase’ of 13 years in the Native Medical Institution (1822-1834).  In this sense, it was implanted on Indian environment.
6. The next phase was laboratory medicine – “In 1848, a new medicine, “laboratory medicine,” made its appearance in Paris under the leadership of Louis Pasteur, Claude Bernard, and the Societe de Biologie.”[5]

Stock Taking

“Native doctors” were appointed in British army since the middle of the 18^th century, as East India Company (EIC) was constantly engaged in warfare for its territorial expansion. Additionally, considering the vastness of the Indian subcontinent it became almost a ‘must’ for them to find assistants to British surgeons for dressing and wound-care  – “Each European regiment had one Surgeon and three Mates, each company of artillery one Mate, each battalion of sepoys had three native doctors, with one Surgeon and two Mates on the staff of the whole seven battalions of the brigade.”[6] But these “native doctors” were altogether different from “Native Doctors” undergoing rigorous training at the Native Medical Institution – “In Bengal G.O. of 13th Sept., 1833, was published a scheme for the training of a certain number of the best native doctors in the army to form a superior class, with the designation of Sub-Assistant Surgeon”.[7]

It points to the fact that “economy of education” was most crucial to the profit-making EIC. What they did for education was basically to minimize expenses for bringing trained doctors from England. It will be more evident from an example of military training. A high-placed military official W. J Moore referred Colonel Hodgson to make it clear that “the British soldier who now serves in Bengal one year encounters as much risk of life as in three such battles as Waterloo.”[8] Moreover, “The loss many hundreds of soldiers, each of whom has cost the state £100 to train to his duty, has resulted from the neglect of sanitary regulations, and it may be added, a long depreciation of the medical department.”[9]

Hence it is irrelevant to talk about as a ‘gift’ from the colonial authority to Indian people. It came out of hard and stark necessity to economize the cost producing a trained doctor in India.

In the parliamentary battle of 1813, as Eric Stokes argues, the free-traders had stripped the East India Company of its commercial monopoly over India. “Free trade was its solid foundation. Evangelicalism had provided its programme of social reform, its force of character, and its missionary zeal.”[10] He also reminds – “It was in that year (1818) that the orator of the new liberalism, the young Macaulay, shook off his father’s toryism and avowed himself a Radical. It was in the same year that James Mill published his great History of India, and became a candidate for high office in the Company’s Home Government.”[11] Further, “Substantially it represents the permanent Liberal attitude to India”.[12]

It resulted in the foundation of the CMC primarily with 2 teachers M. J. Bramley as the principal and H. H. Goodeve as his his assistant. On 5^th August, 1835, W.B. O’Shaughnessy – the inventor of intravenous saline for cholera patients – joined them. Thus at the beginning there were 3 teachers at CMC. More teachers from the IMS (Indian Medical Service) joined later on.[13] At its initial days they had no textbooks, syllabi or any teaching materials for the students. They had to start from scratch.

(M.J. Bramley)

(H.H. Goodeve)

(W.B. O’Shaughnessy)

Moreover, it was historically accepted that Indian students were not inferior in terms of merit and cognitive capability to European counterparts. It can be testified by the fact that when chemistry teaching (physics was included in the course) started by O’Shaughnessy it was superior to many American colleges.[14] O’Shaughnessy instilled new scientific spirit and inventive impetus that his students formed a “Chemical Demonstration Society” in Calcutta in 1837.

Bentinck, Bentham and the Beginning of CMC

Bentinck represented this liberal attitude, though constrained and limited, for Indian perspective.[15] Bentinck “indeed subscribed in 1826 for two shares in the newly founded University College, London…”[16] Bentinck reached Calcutta at a time when the strife between the monopolist EIC and the rising Bengali mercantile community advocating for free trade and other issues “were a matter of lively debate both there and, because of the coming need to renew the company’s Charter at home.”[17] To add, Bentinck had also a copy of Panopticon of Bentham in his possession. Bentham wrote, “While writing, it has occurred to me to add a copy of a work Panopticon; the rather because, at the desire of Mr. Mill, it is in the hands of your new Governor-general, Lord William Bentinck…”[18] Moreover, Bentinck, as told by Bentham, said to Bentham – “I am going to British India; but I shall not be Governor-General. It is you that will be Governor- General.”[19]

To emphasize, most likely as a result of these cumulative events, Percival Spear urges us to look to England rather than to India for the decisive changes in Indian educational policy. “The two sources of these ideas”, writes Spear, “were, briefly, Evangelical and the Utilitarian.”[20] Unlike Euro-American state formation, modern Indian state did not evolve over a few centuries. When the British power conquered Indian territory it was a conglomeration of a great number of feudal princely states that sustained by paying taxes to the central British authority. Lord William Bentinck had his brief stint in Calcutta from 1828 to 1835. During his rule, he played a key role in the transformation of Indian administrative, educational, tax patterns and, to an extent, social ambience of Calcutta. Bentinck was a Whig in politics.

Singer and Holloway emphasizes that the “distinctive feature of University College Medical School and of its sister foundation attached to King’s College was that they were specially equipped to teach the ancillary sciences for they employed full time professors of these subjects.”[21] All these happenings in England had their profound influence in shaping the mode of clinical training and curricula of the CMC.

Interestingly, like the UCL, when the Medical College Hospital was completed in 1852–53 it was built in Corinthian style. In 1834, Bentinck wrote to his friend Peter Auber, “Be assured that we progress here as elsewhere. The mind of this country is receiving a new impulse and excitement, and we must keep pace with it. Three thousand boys are learning English at this moment in Calcutta and the same desire for knowledge is universally spreading.”[22] In an assured note, he continued, “My firm opinion on the contrary is that no dominion in the world is more secure against internal insurrection.”[23]

Against this perspective CMC was founded on 28^th January, 1835. At a later period it was jubilantly noted – “The Medical College has thus been the nursery of our medical men. It has fed all the dispensaries in the Mofussil. It alumni are also to be found in the army, in charge of jails, in private practice, in railway stations, on board steamers and passenger ships, in the employment of zemindars and planters, and in depots and shops … the College is no longer an experiment, but an accomplished and beneficial triumph.[24]

Moreover, during the days of its inception, truly inquisitive, original and scientific-minded scientist-doctors like W. B. O’Shaughnessy and H. H. Goodeve precisely dwelt on their efforts, “as teachers in a new and experimental institution”. They worked hard to structure the best curricula for CMC students form materials “drawn from attentive examination of all the British and foreign professional journals”.[25] They tried sincerely to bring the level of medical education imparted at the CMC at par with European medical schools. They jointly stated their desire in a plain way for the recognition of their endeavour in homeland – “It must not be said of us in Europe, that expatriation has not rendered us inefficient in the advancement of our profession. We will rather strive to excite among our brethren of the fatherland some surprise, that amidst the many impediments which beset us here, we will pursue with unabated zeal the various useful and enobling branches of our truly philanthropic art.”[26]

Goodeve, in his lectures in 1848, remarked, “in less than two years from the foundation of the college, practical anatomy has completely become a portion of the necessary studies of the Hindu medical students as amongst their brethren in Europe and America. The practice of dissection has since advanced so rapidly that the magnificent rooms erected four years since, in which upwards of 500 bodies were dissected and operated upon in the course of last year, now amounting to upwards of 250 youths of all…religions, and castes…as the more homogeneous frequenters of an European school.”[27]

Another account reads thus, “it appears that the number of native students attending the surgical class amounted to 3,952, out of which great number 3,589 were present at all the lectures during the season; in the anatomical and physiological class 3,844 entered, out of which 3,430 attended every lecture… from the month of November, 1846, to that of March, 1847, being a period of only five months, nearly 500 bodies had been dissected by the native students; – an astonishing number, when the prejudice to be overcome is considered…”[28] Think of the scenario!

Lancet also reported about the College in euphoric tone:

It is deserving of mention, that from the month of November, 1846, to that of March, 1847, -being a period of only five months, nearly 500 bodies had been dissected by the native students – an astonishing number, when the prejudices to be overcome are considered: and that the dissections and studies altogether at this college are properly conducted is evidenced by the fact, that the Hindoo students sent over to this country by the Government Council of Education, under the able superintendence of Dr. Goodeve, underwent a very rigid examination at the College of Surgeons, by the Court of Examiners, at the termination of which they were complimented by the president for their great proficiency, underwent a very rigid examination at the College of Surgeons, by the Court of Examiners, at the termination of which they were complimented by the president for their great proficiency… [29]

Report on the Reforms of the CMC

In his letter to G. A. Bushby, Secretary to Government, General Department, on 17 July, 1841, T. A. Wise, Secretary, General Committee of Public Instruction, wrote at length about how to improve general status of education at CMC and make it more modern compatible with at least the provincial schools of medical education in Europe. Wise wrote, “its defects, however, are sufficiently obvious, seeing that whatever short-comings might become observable, no individual had the power of modifying them…”[30] So the question of overhauling the system itself came to importance. He carefully mentioned, “In its importance to the Native population, not only as a Hospital, but as a School of instruction, the probable benefits of Midwifery practice and Courses of Lectures cannot be too highly esteemed … qualifying themselves to become Nurses and Midwives in the community, and thus be saving much of the human life … It would also afford livelihood to persons so instructed…”[31]

In the above-mentioned letter of T. A. Wise it was specifically mentioned – “The night residence of the Clinical Clerks has been duly provided for in quarters lately occupied by Ceylon students.”[32] The “Printed Rules of the Clinical Clerks and Assistants of the Hospital” clearly stated that “the eighteen senior Students will each in turn, for one day, take the night duties of the Hospital being provided with a room and lights.”[33]

Interestingly, it was noted that the “Women admitted into the Midwifery Hospital are, at present, of a very inferior class, chiefly Hindoos and Mohamedans … one respectable European Female has entered the wards and been safely delivered; she was lodged in a separate room, and secluded from the visits of pupils.”[34] The question of race looms large in this reporting – the respectable European lady is lodged separately and not allowed to be examined by Indian students of the CMC.

To note, a new social psyche to assimilate the new knowledge was in the making. Briefly speaking, it led to a number of emerging characteristics.

First, when the students were acquiring knowledge in English and learning new medical terms and idioms of expression they came to associate themselves with a new kind of auditory as well as verbal acculturation. When they were exploring into the inside or the third dimension of the body it resulted in an altogether new visual acculturation. Learning how the bodily organs function through definite dynamics or hands-on training in chemistry classes bolstered this process. Gradually they became citizens of new epistemological praxis and medical cosmology as well.[35]

Second, the new visual acculturation through dissection, surgery, post-mortem examinations and others was not only a kind of acculturation. More importantly, it remoulded “philosophy of observation” resulting in clinical gaze a la Foucault. “The space of configuration of the disease and the space of localization of the illness in the body have been superimposed, in medical experience, for only a relatively short period of time—the period that coincides with nineteenth-century medicine and the privileges accorded to pathological anatomy. This is the period that marks the suzerainty of the gaze.”[36] Moreover, “The clinical gaze has the paradoxical ability to hear a language as soon as it perceives a spectacle. In the clinic, what is manifested is originally what is spoken.”[37]

The students began to learn accurately the third dimension, instead of two-dimensional bodies which were graphically portrayed so far. The gaze extended from the surface to the interiors. To mention, in the “Speech of the Right Hon’ble the Earl of Auckland, at the Medical College, February 10^th, 1842”, it was mentioned – “he looked on this College as the most important and the most interesting of all the Institutions which had been founded by the Government for purposes of education … and the happy results of the instruction imparted at it would be felt and acknowledged even beyond the limits of our own Empire.”[38] Such was importance of the CMC to the highest colonial authority. But little was done towards the end of making a genre of new researchers and scientists.

CMC, increasingly modeled on the UCL, was making its syllabus, unlike UCL, more dependent on the French system which laid more emphasis on pathological anatomy and clinical learning than on laboratory activities. The UCL tried in the 1830s to join the theoretical study of science to the practical work of the clinic, as was already underway in Germany. But there was resistance from the more orthodox section of society – “Likewise in Britain, when the new University of London tried in the 1830s to join the theoretical study of science to the practical work of the clinic, as was done in Germany, the hospital teachers at St. Bartholomew’s objected strenuously that the new school was superior “in no respect” and that it was “much inferior” to others in its practical instruction.”[39] But we shall see later that the German experience was referred to while proposing for residential education at the CMC.

Under the heading “Remodelling of the system of education”, it was decided that –

The means of instruction, dissecting-rooms, museums, library, laboratory, &c. are such as fairly to entitle it to rank with any of the provincial schools of Great Britain, or the second class schools of medicine, in the Capitals of England, Scotland or Ireland. The chief and insuperable drawbacks to its present recognition, are the divisions of the courses of lectures, and the time occupied by some of them: it being a rule of most European Colleges, that no single Professor shall teach two distinct branches of medical science, except in the cases of Anatomy and Physiology, and Materia Medica with Medical Jurisprudence, and that none of the systematic courses of lectures shall consist of less than 70 lectures or demonstrations upon each subject … It is deemed of great importance that every course of lectures should be of the nature and duration, adopted as the standard of the Royal College of Surgeons … would aid in placing the Medical College of Bengal upon a proper footing, as compared with similar Institutions in Europe.[40]

Three important issues are to be noticed here – (1) the mention of ‘laboratory’, (2) remodelling the system of education to be made at par with “any of the provincial schools of Great Britain, or the second class schools of medicine, in the Capitals of England, Scotland or Ireland”, and (3) following European colleges “no single Professor shall teach two distinct branches of medical science, except in Anatomy and Physiology, and Materia Medica with Medical Jurisprudence”. It was also stated that “the College Council beg to recommend, that the present Professor of Chemistry and Materia Medica, be directed to give annually a course of lectures upon those parts of Medical Jurisprudence, not treated in the toxicological department of the Materia Medica lectures, and that his designation be changed to that of “Professor of Materia Medica and Medical Jurisprudence.”[41]

In accordance with the arrangements above sanctioned, and in compliance with the Regulations of the Royal College of Surgeons, the following was the extent and divisions of the courses of lectures, “to be hereafter given in the College during each Session:

—

Anatomy and Physiology—120 lectures, viz. three lectures a week during the hot, and four during the cold weather, from the 1st of November to the 15th of March inclusive.

Demonstrations and Dissections.—-The latter from the 15^th of October to the 15^th of March inclusive; the former by three demonstrations a week, during the entire Session, viz. from the 15th of June in one year to the 15th of March of the succeeding year.

Surgery.—The course to commence on the 15th of June, and consist of not less than 70 lectures.

Theory and Practice of Medicine – Same as above

Chemistry and Practical Pharmacy – Ditto

Materia Medica and Therapeutics – Ditto

Midwifery with practical illustrations – Ditto

Botany – Ditto

Medical Jurisprudence.—The toxicological portion to be given with the regular course of Matera Medica; upon the remainder, one lecture a week from the 15th of October to the 15th of March inclusive.

In addition to the above every pupil will be required to compound medicines in the College Dispensary for at least six months, under the charge and direction of the House Surgeon and Apothecary, who has been authorized to grant certificates of proficiency for the same.”[42]

“Escape Velocity” and the First Educational Sojourn

Following all these changes and remodelling, CMC was the first college beyond Euro-American borders to have been recognized by the University College, London, the Royal College of Surgeons and the Worthy Society of Apothecaries. CMC gained the ‘escape velocity’ to be in a position to send their most illustrious students to England for higher European medical education.

Four of the best students of the CMC sailed for their sojourn to England by the ship Bentinck on 8^th March, 1845. The background happenings and vicissitudes in the management of monetary questions related to their journey should be mentioned in a detailed way.

One of the most important gratifying occurrences of the past year, has been the munificent offer of Dwarkanath Tagore, to take to England and educate at his own expense, two pupils of the Medical College. This proposal was first communicated to Dr. Mouat, who announced it to the assembled school, and pointed out the great advantages that would resu.lt to any one bold enough to break through the trammels of caste, and profit by the opportunity offered of visiting Europe. Upon this, and almost immediately after the address referred to, three students volunteered unconditionally to go, viz. Bholanath Bose, Surjee Coomar Chuckerhutty, and Dwarakanatlh Bose—a fact so highly creditable to their spirit and anxiety to profit by the liberality of their distinguished countryman, as to deserve special record. Subsequently to this, Professor Groodeve offered to proceed to Europe in charge of the pupils who might be selected, to superintend their education, and to pay from his own funds the expense of an additional student, on condition of certain benefits being extended to him by Government, for making so great a sacrifice as the preceding, if agreed to, would entail upon him … The advantages of the scheme will be great, both as exhibiting the nature and extent of the medical education which can be given to the pupils in Calcutta, and also of elevating them in the estimation of the Native community, should any of them return with European Diplomas, which they are fully qualified and able to obtain …. Dr. Goodeve succeeded in raising an additional sum of 7,500 rupees for a fourth student, 4,000 of which were munificently presented by his Highness the Nuwab Nazim of Bengal.[43]

The fourth student was Gopal Chandra Seal. As we see from this description, truly speaking, government had borne only the cost of single student. Rest three were financed by Dwarakanath, Nawab Nazim of Bengal and Dr. Goodeve. Such was the extreme parsimony practised by the East India Company. It was their inherent practice of ‘economy of education’. In most cases government was only the granting authority. But a great part of any institution was actually borne by local people and public subscription.

(Four Indian medical students in London in 1845. L to R Bholanath Bose, Gopal Chunder Seal, Dwarkanath Bose, Soorjee Coomer Chuckerbutty)

Regarding the four student making their journey of England, the Report said – “The four pupils who accompanied the Professor and started in the Steamer Bentinck on the 8th March, were Bholanath Bose, a pupil of Lord Auckland’s School at Barrackpore, who was supported at the Medical College by His Lordship for five years, and was considered by the late Mr. Grifiith, the most promising botanical pupil in the school—Gopaul Chunder Seal—Dwarkanath Bose, a Native christian, educated in the General Assembly’s Institution, and employed for some tune as assistant in the museum—together with Surjee Coomar Chukerhutty, a Brahmin, native of Commillah, a junior pupil and a lad of much spirit and promise.”[44]

According to Gorman, this educational sojourn had three-fold effects – (1) it showed convincingly that Indians could master science and medicine on a level with Europeans; (2) having attained their degrees from the UCL (University College London) and the Royal College of Surgeons, they served as disseminators of modern science and became role models for future Indian students; (3) their example set the stage for a veritable flood of Indian students to England for study in all fields which continues to this day. They studied under the famous Thomas Graham – the innovator of Graham’s Law in chemistry.[45] More elaborately speaking, Gorman describes the entire stage in the following manner.

The choice of this institution bears comment. It s medical school was widely regarded as the most progressive and innovative in Europe, and consequently attracted the highest calibre of students in England and from abroad. The faculty of the Calcutta Medical College were well aware of this high standing, and constantly sought to imitate its best features. It never occurred to them to choose one of the lesser schools of London or the province, so confident were they of their students that they selected deliberately the toughest competition. Most English men would not have expected these Indians from a disease-ridden, superstitious frontier outpost to have the slightest chance of success. Even one acquainted with the faculty, curriculum, and standards of the Calcutta Medical College would have been satisfied to have these students pass with average records at University College. They were far from home without social support from family or friends and they were studying in a foreign language. They could easily have been overwhelmed by the accomplishments of their classmates and the prestige of the faculty, but results proved that any such negative expectations were groundless. They not only passed, but did so with distinction, winning gold and silver medals and certificates of honor in various subjects from anatomy, botany, and chemistry to zoology. Their academic exploits were noted in the press.

Various official reports of University College and the East India Company gave them the highest possible praise. Space does not permit a detailed description of the demanding standards they had to meet for an understanding of the subjects presented to them, but as an example of the quality of the faculty it may be noted that for chemistry Thomas Graham (1805-1869) was their teacher. He is remembered today as the discoverer of Graham’s Law, and in his time was the “acknowledged dean of English chemists.”[46] McCully has informed us that after the CMC students’ first sojourn to England/Europe for higher education more than 700 students made their journey to England “to complete their education” between the years 1865 and 1885.[47]

Concluding Remarks

Some interesting facts about Bholanath Bose can be enumerated. Auckland had founded Barrackpore School where Bohalanth was student. Auckland himself transferred Bholanath when he was 16 years old, the brightest student of the school, to the CMC in 1840 with a scholarship of Rs. 10 per month.[48] Finishing his education at the UCL, on the eve of departure for Calcutta, Bholanath received a touching letter from Auckland on 13 January 1848 –

“My dear Bholanath,

I will not allow you to leave England without writing a few lines to you to say that I wish you well. I would add too that you have given very great satisfaction to me and to your other friends, by the earnestness with which you have pursued your studies, and by distinctions which have attended your success in them.

I should like you to take away with you some token of remembrance from me, and I will beg you purchase one that may be agreeable to you with the enclosed draft.

Yours most truly, &c.,

Auckland”

“With the amount of this draft Dr. Bose bought a gold watch, which according to the terms of the Doctor’s will, is to be preserved as an heirloom in the family.”[49]

CMC indelibly changed and set the course of medical education in India, which is still flowing with vigour, energy and innovative ideas.

__________________
[1] Precision medicine may be understood as a Knowledge Network of Disease could embrace and inform rapidly expanding efforts by the biomedical research community to define at the molecular level the disease predispositions and pathogenic processes occurring in individuals. This network has the potential to play a critical role across the globe for the public-health and health-care-delivery communities by enabling development of a more accurate, molecularly-informed taxonomy of disease. For a fuller understanding see, Toward Precision Medicine: Building a Knowledge Network for Biomedical Research and a New Taxonomy of Disease (Washington DC: National Academic Press, 2011).
[2] Isaac S. Kohane, Jeffrey M. Drazen and Edward W. Campion, “A Glimpse of the Next 100 Years in Medicine”, New England Journal of Medicine 2012, 367 (26): 2538-2539.

[3] For a brief yet useful study see, Jayanta Bhattacharya, “The genesis of hospital medicine in India: The Calcutta Medical College (CMC) and the emergence of a new medical epistemology”, Indian Economic and Social History Review 2014, 51 (2): 231-264.

[4] For an insightful detailed account see, Erwin H. Ackerknecht, Medicine at the Paris Hospital 1794-1848 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1967). Also see, Arturo Castglioni, A History of Medicine, 2^nd edn. (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1947)

[5] Ackerknecht, idem, p. xiii.

[6] D. G. Crawford, A History of the Indian Medical Service, 1600-1913, vol. 1 (London: W. Thacker & Co., 1914), 202.

[7] Ibid, vol. 2, 113.

[8] W. J. Moore, Health in the tropics; or, sanitary art applied to Europeans in India (London: John Churchill, 1867), 13.

[9] Ibid, 6.

[10] Stokes, The English Utilitarians and India (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959), xiv.

[11] Ibid., xvi.

[12] Ibid, 46.

[13] For comprehensive discussion see, Crawford, A History of the Indian Medical Service, vol. 2, chapter XLIII.

[14] Mel Gorman, “Introduction of Western Science into Colonial India: Role of the Calcutta Medical College”, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Sept. 1998, 132 (3): 276-298.

[15] For a nice discussion on Bentinck against Indian perspective see, John Rosselli, Lord William Bentinck: The Making of a Liberal Imperialist, 1774-1839 (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1974)

[16] Ibid, 85.

[17] Ibid,, 185.

[18] The Works of Jeremy Bentham, ed. John Bowring, vol. 10 (Edinburgh: William Tait, 1843), 591.

[19] Ibid, 577.

[20] Percival Spear, “Bentinck and Education,” in Modern India: An Interpretive Anthology, ed. Thomas R. Metcalf (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1994), 241-260. Quotation on p.  245.

[21] Charles Singer and S. W. F. Holloway, “Early medical Education in England in Relation to the Pre-History of London University,” Medical History, Jamuary 1960, 4 (1): 1-17. Quotation on p.  7.

[22] C. H. Philips, ed., The Correspondence of Lord William Cavendish Bentinck: Governor General of India 1828-1835, vol. II (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), 1279. [Emphasis added]

[23] Ibid, 1280. [Emphasis added]

[24] “Hindu Medicine and Medical Education”, Calcutta Review, 1866, 42 (83): 106-125. Quotation on 120-121.

[25] “The Quarterly Journal of the Calcutta Medical and Physical Society,” Calcutta Monthly Journal, Third Series, III (1837): 16.

[26] Ibid, 16.

[27] Centenary, Medical College, Bengal (Calcutta: 1935), 14.

[28] “Flourishing State of Medical College of Bengal,” The London Medical Gazette or Journal of Practical Medicine –  New Series, 1847 (vol. V): 126-127.

[29] Lancet, in two volumes, 1847 (II): 187.

[30] GCPI, 1840-41 & 1841-42, Appendix No. X, lxxi.

[31] Ibid, lxxxv.

[32] Ibid, lxxiv.

[33] Ibid, lxxiii.

[34] Ibid.

[35] For insightful discussion on this issue, see, N. D. Jewson,  “The disappearance of the sick-man from medical cosmology, 1770-1870”, International Journal of Epidemiology 2009 Jun, 38 (3):622-33.

[36] Michel Foucault, The Birth of the Clinic: An Archaeology of Medical Perception (London: Tavistock, 1976), 3-4.

[37] Ibid, 108. (Emphasis in original)

[38] GCPI, 1840-41 & 1841-42, Appendix No. XII, xciv. [Italics added]

[39] Thomas Neville Bonner, Becoming a Physician: Medical Education in Britain, France, Germany, and the United States, 1750-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 144.

[40] GRPI, 1844-45, 101-102. Italics added.

[41] Ibid, 101.

[42] Ibid, 102.

[43] GRPI, 1844-45, 118-119.

[44] Ibid, 119.

[45] Gorman, “Introduction of Western”, 290.

[46] Ibid, 290.

[47] Bruce Tiebout McCully, English Education and the Origins of Indian Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1940), 215.

[48] Ramgopal Ghosh, ed., Reminiscences and Anecdotes of Great Men of India, Both Official and Non-official for the Last One hundred Years (Calcutta: Herald Printing Works. 1894), 72.

[49] Ibid, 72-74.